 |
The Heroic AgeIssue 6Spring 2003 |
The Ripon
Connection?
Willibrord,
Wilfrid, and the Mission to Frisia
Acknowledgements
Notes
Bibliography
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Acknowledgements: I would like to thank Michel Aaij for sending me a detailed summary of Van Berkum's 1978/9 article, which was published in Dutch. The responsibility for the interpretation of this article and others resides completely with the author. I would also like to thank Rolf Bremmer for off prints of his articles on Willibrord and the Frisians. Further, I would like to thank Michel Aaij, Rolf Bremmer and Larry Swain for commenting on an early draft of this paper and making very useful recommendations. The responsibility for the final draft and its hypotheses resides with the author.
Notes
1. Another example of Willibrord's presence in Frisian pseudo-history is in the Latin Historia Frisae where the Frisian origin myth was remolded in Old Testament terms with Willibrord as Moses leading the Frisians away from evil King Redbad's bondage. This text was so popular that it was translated into Frisian and from Frisian into Middle Dutch (Bremmer13-14). Some of these works are so creative that their authors must have had imaginations worthy of peerage with Geoffrey of Monmouth. Indeed, Rolf Bremmer has suggested these myths be called the 'Matter of Friesland' in imitation of the "English" 'Matter of Britain' spawned by Geoffrey. Bremmer notes that these authors must have intentionally ignored both Bede's History and Alcuin's Life of Willibrord, available in late medieval Frisia, when they constructed their works.
2.
Levison's beliefs were influenced by his own German nationalistic
political context in the 1930s and 1940s. Even though he suffered
the effects of those politics, German historical views were so
well engrained that he could not see beyond them. These views
prevented him from accepting a strong Irish role in the mission
to Frisia and Germany even while living in England as a Jewish
expatriate during World War II. See Townsend for a discussion
of the influences of his political environment.
3.
For a summary of their theories, see Van
Berkum 400-403.
4.
Wilfrid was driven from Mercia and Wessex by the influence of
Queen Osthryth of Merica, sister of King Ecgfrith, and the Queen
of Wessex, who was the sister of Ecgfrith's queen, Irmenburgh.
The influence of the queens does suggest that the kings were
willing to help Wilfrid against King Ecgfrith. Certainly King
Æthelred of Mercia was always eager to aid Wilfrid in his
Northumbrian troubles.
5.
Ian Wood has suggested that Stephanus' description of Wilfrid's
trip to Rome and the "reception by Aldgisl and Dagobert,
is unquestionably polished to make a point about the reception
of strangers" (Wood 1995:14).
Significantly, according to Stephanus, both Dagobert and Perctarit,
who both significantly receive Wilfrid after Aldgisl, had been
exiles before coming to the throne. Stephanus is the only source
for Dagobert's exile and the supposed help that he received from
Wilfrid in his return from his refuge in Ireland. Unfortunately,
the tale that Perctarit tells of his exile is "contradicted
directly by continental evidence" (Wood
1995:14). Thus, we must be aware that all is not what it
seems to be in Stephanus's account of Wilfrid's continental trips.
On Wilfrith's first trip to Rome some years earlier, Stephanus
makes several other errors. He errs on the name of Bishop Aunemundus
(whom he calls Dalphinus) who is supposedly a great benefactor
of Wilfirth and claims that Wilfrith stayed with the bishop until
his martyrdom, although this chronologically impossible (Wood 1995:15, Colgrave
153). Dalphinus was Count of Lyons and the brother of Bishop
Aunemundus (Colgrave 153), making
one wonder which one really was Wilfrith's patron. Stephanus
may have viewed the continental trips as unverifiable by English
clerics and, therefore, an area where he was free to alter events
to make a point. If he assumed so, in general he would have been
right.
6.
Here Stephan appears to have conflated two brothers: Bishop Aunemundus
and his brother Count Dalfinus of Lyon (Colgrave
153). Given that the brothers probably had similar politics,
they may have both been executed to remove an opposing political
family from Lyon. Why they were so attached to Wilfrid as to
offer Dalfinus' daughter in marriage to him and make him the
bishop's heir is unknown. Presumably he did have the gift of
political savvy and as a foreigner was unencumbered by family
feuds that so complicated Frankish politics. Oral transmission
of the account may explain the confusion over the name of his
mentor(s). Given that the name Dalphinus was apparently prominent
in Wilfrid's oral history, one has to wonder which brother was
the more important mentor to Wilfrid.
7.
Wilfrid presumably booked passage on a Frisian merchant ship
or a ship leaving for a Frisian port of call, perhaps from York,
to begin his journey to the Rome in 678. There is no reason to
believe that Frisia was not Wilfrid's intended destination.
8.
Ebrion had succeeded by the time Wilfrid made his return journey
to Britain. Wilfrid was surprised to find Dagobert dead and Ebrion's
supporters threatening his life again (Colgrave
67-69). Yet, he was able to talk his way free again and return
to Britain.
9.
Given Wilfrid's claimed role in the elevation of Dagobert II,
Ebrion may have needed very little of a bribe to pursue a vendetta
against Wilfrid.
10.
Could it be that Wilfrid was only willing to leave someone behind
to administer the land rather than the converts? Stephan does
not mention the gift of 300 hides of land on the Isle of Wight.
This is ten times the 30 hide original grant of land for the
monastery of Ripon. Stephan may have not wanted to link Wilfrid
too closely with the ruthless Caedwalla, who was not baptized
until he reached Rome, and he eventually slew Wilfrid's loyal
patron King Æthelwalh of Sussex. Wilfrid's family continued
to control the monastery in Sussex through the early eighth century.
It may also be that Wilfrid's followers had lost control of the
huge land grant on the Isle of Wight after Caedwalla and Wilfrid's
deaths. Rollason (14, 34 n. 79) suggests
that Swithberht may have been left behind in Frisia by Wilfrid
but I know of no primary source support for this belief.
11.
His first visit to Sussex is in a near ship wreck where Wilfrid
commands his armed retainers to attack the hostile pagans, and
they survive and sail away due to their military success (VW ch.13). However, Wilfrid returns
later during another period of exile from Northumbria to gain
the friendship of the King of the South Saxons, only to quickly
switch alliances to Caedwalla of Wessex after he killed the Sussex
king. Wilfrid gained many estates in Sussex and on the Isle of
Wight from this switch in patrons (HE
4.15-16).
12.
Eata was made abbot of Lindisfarne at the request of Bishop Colman
after the Synod of Whitby.
13.
Bede says his seat was at either Hexham or Lindisfarne (HE
4.12) but Hexham must have been his original designated see.
Bede refers to him returning to the see for which he was originally
consecrated when Cuthbert became Bishop of Lindisfarne (HE
4.28). The Bernician see was further divided into three sees
in 681, with Eata becoming Bishop of Lindisfarne, Wilfrid's follower
Tunberht becoming Bishop of Hexham, and Trumwine as Bishop of
the Picts/Abercorn. (HE 4.12)
14.
He was the brother of Æthelwine, who also studied in Ireland
and later became bishop of Lindsey, Abbess Æthelhild who
had a monastery near Bardney, and Ealdwine, who was abbot of
Partney. (HE 3.11, 3.27, 4.3) The
confluence of the siblings Æthelwine, Æthelhild,
and Ealdwine in Lindsey suggests that they were members of a
noble, if not royal, dynasty in Lindsey.
15.
The fact that Cynefrith was the abbot of Gelling, a hereditary
monastery belonging to kinsmen of King Oswine, suggests that
he and his brother Coelfrith, Bede's abbot at Wearmouth-Jarrow,
were Deirans. He went to study in Ireland before the great plague
of 664 in which he died.
16.
The Englishman Tuda was consecrated a bishop in southern Ireland
pre-664 and followed the Roman rites. He was among the adherents
of the Romanist position already teaching and debating with Bishop
Colman of Lindisfarne in Northumbria before the synod was called
at Whitby. Tuda was Bishop Colman and King Oswiu's first choice
as Bishop of Lindisfarne/Northumbria after the Synod of Whitby.
Unfortunately, he died in the plague after only a few months
as bishop. It is unclear whether Tuda was a Northumbrian or not.
His name suggests that he was either English or British. Tuda
is not an Irish name.
17.
It should be noted that Chad and Egbert also studied with this
group. Chad and his brothers all worked only in Deira or south
of the Humber. However, Egbert seems to have had close ties with
Bernicia, perhaps with Melrose in particular (Kirby
2002). Yet, Eata, Boisil and Cuthbert of Melrose were all
working at Ripon in c. 660.
18.
Abbot Ceolfrith may have been a member of Wilfrid's Ripon and
a Romanist, but his brother Cynefrith died at Ráith Máelsigi
in Ireland. Yet, Cynefrith died in 664 before the Roman rites
were enforced in Deira, so he could have went to Ireland as the
only place politically available to a Deiran Romanist.
19.
Egbert appears to have retained considerable contacts with Bernicia.
In addition to possibly communicating with Bede's Abbot Ceolfrith,
he was also in contact with the founder of Æthelwulf's
monastery referred to in de Abbatibus (Campbell
10-15).
20.
In his Martyrology, Bede claims that the Hewalds had been
part of Willibrord's mission, although the History seems
to imply that they were sent independently from Ireland. In HE V.10 Bede claims that Egbert "attempted
to send holy and industrious men...among these Willibrord"
to preach to the peoples of Germany. This suggests that Egbert
may have sent more than one group with the Hewalds possibly making
a follow-up group to Willibrord's mission. Yet, Bede's statement
in the Martyrology is stronger and must be given priority
until better sources for extra missions are found.
21.
Rollason (2001:23) points out that
all these peoples were indeed not Germanic. The Huns, Rugians,
and Danes were probably not Germanic and the former two were
outside their missionary area.
22.
Melrose was an important monastery in the Hiberno-Roman group,
providing several abbots and bishops of Lindisfarne including
Cuthbert and Eata.
23.
It is unlikely that Egbert's mission to Iona would be referred
to unless it had already been completed. See Duncan
for the date of 718 for the full conversion of Iona to the Roman
cause.
24.
Bede mentions Swithbert's death in HE
V.11. For Swithbert's death in c. 713, see Wilson
p. 23.
25.
In the Greater Chronicle, there is no mention of Iona
specifically or the correction of the tonsure, that is mentioned
in his chronological summary in HE
V.24.
26.
Although Bede claims that Egbert converted Iona to the Roman
observances in 716, the annals suggest the conversion was a slow
process not completed until 718. Events in Pictland in 717 may
have also helped convince Iona (Duncan;
Kirby 2002).
27.
Alcuin appears to have conflated Wilfrid's first and second trip
to Rome, claiming Wilfrid had his near fatal illness on his return
from the trip where he evangelized Frisia (Godman
51-53). He similarly conflates Willibrord's two trips to Rome.
It seems unlikely that he could have made to such mistakes by
accident. Rather, it seems like a handy way to shorten his material.
28.
Wood 2001 stresses that the verse
and prose Lives should be considered together since they were
composed together.
29.
Although Alcuin tells us that Willibrord was a student of Egbert
and Wichtberht, information probably gleaned from Bede, he does
not tell us where in Ireland Willibrord stayed or that he was
ordained a priest there. This we are left to surmise. We learn
nothing about his companions or indeed, who accompanied him on
his mission. Were they all Englishmen staying in Ireland or were
there Irishmen among them as well? Alcuin doesn't even tell us
if Willibrord was in a part of Ireland that accepted the Roman
church or not. It is assumed that they were at Ráith
Máelsigi in southern Ireland, where Rome was accepted,
but we do not know that for sure. Given Egbert and Willibrord's
ties to Melrose and Lindisfarne respectively, Egbert could have
moved to Mayo or elsewhere after 664.
30.
Although the cathedral at York must have been completed for,
consecrated, and used by Bishop Aidan there is no direct mention
of Aidan in the poem. Aidan is only mentioned in the miracles
of Oswald's arm and Cuthbert's vision of Aidan going to heaven.
St. Oswine, King of Deira and friend of Bishop Aidan, is also
omitted from the York poem. Stephen of Ripon claims in the Life
of Bishop Wilfrid that Colman was metropolitan of York but
he is not mentioned in Alcuin's York poem either.
31.
It is unclear exactly when Wilgils left his secular life for
the church. Alcuin refers to him giving up his 'worldly career'
and that Wilgils was given a number of estates surrounding his
hermitage as a perpetual gift by the king. This might have been
in exchange for giving up secular estates to the king or at least
imply that he had a career worthy of such a gift. If he entered
the church later in life, the king who gave the gift might have
been King Ecgfrith (r. 670-685). This assumes that the grant
was not made much later and simply claimed for Wilgils by Alcuin.
32.
One has to wonder if Wilgils entry into monastic life was not
influenced by his support for rebel King Alchfrith. After Alchfrith
rebelled against his father King Oswiu, he is never heard from
again and his rival, Oswiu's younger son Ecgfrith, probably became
King of Deira. The church may have been one of the few options
for survival for the nobles who supported Alchfrith.
33.
It is worth recalling that when Wilfrid first became Bishop of
York, Bernicia and Deira were still technically two separate
kingdoms. It would not be until after the death of Ælfwine
in 679 that Ecgfrith assumed direct control over Deira without
the pretense of a separate king for Deira. Ripon in Deira was
Wilfrid's first and probably most beloved monastery.
34.
Van Berkum also discussed the unlikelihood
that Wilfrid would have approved of Willibrord's time in Ireland.
35.
Alcuin calls Egbert a bishop in chapter four of the prose Life
of Willibrord.
36.
Alcuin generally minimizes the contribution of Ireland to Willibrord's
mission. The omission of his ordination from Alcuin's Lives
of Willibrord is perhaps the best evidence that Alcuin intentionally
wanted Willibrord's followers to forget the role of the Irish.
Alcuin does not mention the monastery of Raith Melsigi,
the failed mission of Wichtberht, or any other event there.
37. For the burial of Oswald's head at Lindisfarne and the placement of his arms and hands at Bamburgh, see HE III.12. It is possible that Willibrord obtained his relic from the site of its display somewhere in Mercia, but it seems unlikely that a Deiran youth would have obtained a relic from within Mercia by c. 679. Willibrord tells Acca and Wilfrid that the healed man lived for many years suggesting that the miracle happened soon after Willibrord's arrival in Ireland, probably before Bardney was established in Lindsey between 679 and 697. Bardney came to possess the relics of Oswald from Oswald's death site still in Mercian control. These relics included his body and banner.
38.
Wilfrid's role in the return of Frankish King Dagobert II from
exile in Ireland to Austrasia has been suggested to be evidence
of his Irish contacts, which could have involved Ráith
Máelsigi. However, Picard
(1991: 42-51) has convincingly shown that the Irish arrangements
surrounding Dagobert II's exile in Ireland and return involved
Pippin II, the Irish abbot Ultan of Fosses and the Irish monasteries
of Slane and Louth in central Ireland38. Dagobert's II's exile
and return likely had nothing to do with the Egbert's monastery
in Ireland.
39.
An "Ichtbricht epscop" signed Cain Adomnan in 697.
This person has been assumed to be Egbert (Ecgberht) but O'Croinin
(1984:25-26) has shown that it is
more likely to represent Wichtberht. Ichtbricht is commemorated
on December 8th in the martyrologies, as opposed to April 24
for Egbert.
40.
As Kirby has recently noted, there are problems with Boisil's
visionary message to Egbert's companion. Most notably, why would
Egbert wait twenty-eight years before attempting his mission
to Iona in fulfillment of the vision? There is no good answer
and Kirby has hypothesized that the vision was invented at Melrose
for whom Boisil was a validating prophetic figure (Kirby
2002: 51-53). The fact that Boisil of Melrose was used in
this manner to explain why Egbert did not go to Germany himself,
further suggests that there was some connection between Egbert
and Melrose (Kirby 2002: 52). Boisil
seems to have become the key saint of Melrose whose role in the
development of the careers of Cuthbert and Egbert parallels Melrose's
role as the training ground for future abbots and bishops of
Lindisfarne. Several of the abbots and bishops of Lindisfarne
from Eata's abbacy of Lindisfarne beginning in 664 through at
least Æthelwold's tenure as bishop of Lindisfarne had been
previously priors or abbots of Melrose. Æthelwold died
in 740. Melrose became an English foundation during Aidan's time,
founded by either Aidan or more likely Eata, since Bede says
that Aidan refused to accept land outside of Lindisfarne and
small amounts of land around churches. Melrose was already under
Eata's direction when Cuthbert arrived at Melrose after seeing
his vision of Aidan being carried to heaven. Boisil may have
been chosen as the primary saint of Melrose not only for symbolic
reasons exemplifying the use of Melrose as a training center
for Lindisfarne but also because the other saints of Melrose
were buried elsewhere. Eata the probable founder of Melrose,
and probably its longest living owner/abbot, was presumably buried
at Hexham, while Aidan and Cuthbert were buried at Lindisfarne.
The lack of personal traditions about Eata may be due in no small
part to his burial in the unfriendly ground of Hexham, where
his cult is unlikely to have been supported by Bishops Wilfrid
or Acca.
41.
Bede and Alcuin give no indication that he traveled through England
en route for Frisia as others have suggested. Van
Berkum refutes the many hypotheses for passage through England
before arriving among the Franks.
42.
Pippin had only recently gained control of all France after Ebrion's
death. King Theuderic was nominally in control until his death
in 691, when his son Clovis III succeeded him. Although the descendents
of Theuderic ruled Frankia throughout Willibrord's life, they
are not mentioned by Bede or Alcuin. Wood (1994:
232-4) suggests that the group that brought Dagobert II back
from exile was independent of Pippin II. Therefore it is unclear
where Pippin II stood on the return of Dagobert II and Wilfrid's
role therein. Nevertheless, there is no indication that his views
on Wilfrid influenced his welcoming of Willibrord.
43.
VanBerkum (404-405) suggests that
if anyone prepared the way for the mission to Frisia or aided
in its establishment, it was Wulfram and the Irish-Columbanian
monks of Fontenelle.
44.
VanBerkum (409) notes that Sergius
may have heard news of Wilfrid's work in Wessex from former King
Caedwalla who retired to Rome in 689.
45.
The vacancy at Canterbury can date Swithberht's ordination to
between July 692 and August 693 (McClure
and Collins 414).
46.
There is some precedent of an archbishop appointment to an immature
church in Archbishop Augustine of Canterbury. However, one of
the reasons for the appointments that travel for consecrations
was difficult and dangerous. Eden's article
in this issue further discusses the concept that the English
lived at the end of the known world. The Frisian mission did
not suffer from distance away from other Christians. There were
plenty of Gaulish bishops nearby. The unusualness of Willibrord's
consecration is underscored by the fact that no one was appointed
Archbishop of Frisia on his death. Later, episcopal sees in the
region did not develop directly from Willibrord's see.
47. Echternach became Willibrord's primary cult site where he was buried in 739. As mentioned earlier, Echternach became a family monastery increasing its association with Willibrord.
48.
The names of other scribes who wrote charters for Willibrord
are Elduinus, Docfa, Ansbaldus, and Richisus (Netzer 1989b: 132).
49 Willibrord consecrated Abbess Harlindis. The book was preserved
at Aldeneyck during the Middle Ages. (Netzer 1989a: 207-208).
The lives of Harlindis and Reglindis, the founders of Aldeneyck,
claim that Willibrord and Boniface visited them together, placing
the visit during the short time that Boniface worked with Willibrord.
McKitterick (1994: III: 428-9) suggest that they may have produced
the Maeseyck Gospels and have a very close relationship with
Echternach.
50.
Willibrord's monk's visit is documented in the Anonymous Life
of Cuthbert written between Cuthbert's translation in 698
and the death of King Aldfrith in December 704. For the death
of King Aldfrith, see Kirby 1995:
385.
51.
These works include the Book of Prophets, the Calendar,
and the Augsburg Gospels.
52.
Paulinus was the Bishop of York and Oswald was King of Deira
(and Bernicia). Cuthbert and Oethelwald were both one-time monks
or priests of Ripon and Wilgils, Willibrord's father, was a Deiran
by birth and founder of a Deiran monastery.
53.
Edwin, Oswine, Oswald and Ecgfrith were all kin of the Deiran
royal dynasty. Oswald and Ecgfrith were related to the Deirans
via their mothers, the sister and daughter of Edwin respectively.
Bede stresses Oswald's material linkage with Edwin in his discussion
of Oswald's rule in Deira (HE III.6).
It is also probable that Ecgfrith was sub-king of Deira from
c. 665 to 670.
54.
The Deiran influence is evident in the commemorations for Gregory
the Great and Paulinus of York in the primary hand. These two
figures were considered the Apostles to Deira. Bishop Aidan is
not written in the primary hand. The kings included, albeit mostly
in glosses, have a Deiran influence as well. The only two kings
of the Bernician dynasty listed also ruled Deira directly and
were related to the Deiran royal dynasty through the their mothers.
Further, Oswald may have been seen as an avenger and protector
of Deira for his slaying of Cadwallon, the slayer of two Deiran
kings within a year.
55.
See McKitterick 1994:IV for a review
of the contacts between Willibrord and the Frankish church, especially
Cologne.
56.
The dates used for both match Irish sources, such as the Martyrology
of Oengus, and conflict with Bede's dates.
57.
The orthography of the Gregory the Great entry, "sancti
grigori rome", is found only in Hiberno-Latin (Richter 1999:
150, 168 n. 38).
58.
It is possible the sliver came from Bardney in Lindsey where
Oswald's niece Osthryth enshrined her uncle's bones. If the Mercians
kept the stake, or it was still on the site when the bones were
discovered, it likely would have been sent to Bardney with his
other remains and possibly his war banner. Thacker
(114) suggests that the cult of Oswald could have come from Bardney
to Raith Maelsigi via Æthelhun's brother Æthelwine.
Bardney was not established until 679 at the very earliest and
possibly as late as the 690s, although I favor earlier rather
than later. Even so, Bardney was a monastery closely established
with Queen Osthryth whose brothers were Wilfrid's enemies, although
her husband King Æthelred was apparently his supporter
(perhaps mainly for his opposition to the Northumbrian kings).
This topic will be discussed further in another work in progress.
59.
Further, there is no evidence that the cult of St. Oswald was
supported at Ripon.
60.
Acca succeeded to only a small part of Wilfrid's vast holdings,
the see of Hexham. In an effort to promote his smaller domain,
he promoted the two saints associated the monastery: St. Andrew,
to whom the cathedral of Hexham is dedicated, and St. Oswald.
It is surely Acca who built the church at Heavenfield, referred
to by Bede in 731 as having been recently constructed. Acca may
have been much more impressed by Willibrord himself and his stories
of Oswald than the venerable old Wilfrid.
61.
Wilfrid's support from Mercia (and Wessex) were secondary to
the use they put him to in secular and ecclesiastical politics.
Wilfrid's support from Æthelred suited Mercian political
ambitions in Kent (Pelteret 178)
and possibly Æthelred's ongoing role in the Bernician-Mercian
feud.
62.
We must also keep in mind that Balthild and Ebrion's power base
was in Neustria, while Pippin and Dagobert's was in Austrasia.
Austrasia borders Frisia. Could the Frisians have been involved
in the return of Dagobert II as a means of weakening Ebrion and
Neustrian pressure on their border?
63.
For a discussion of the term peregrinus and the Old English
term elþeodig, see Charles-Thomas
1976. For a definition of elðeodig, see Clark
Hall 104.
64.
See Charles-Edwards (1976) for the
legal rights of peregrini.
65.
Van Berkum (410-411) also believes
that by the time Wilfrid visited Frisia in 703-704, he would
not have brought up objections to Willibrord's leaving Ripon
over twenty years earlier.
66.
It should be noted that Acca did not have to actively go anywhere
to become part of Wilfrid's household. Acca had been educated
at York and appears to have transferred from Bosa to Wilfrid
when Bosa was deposed in Wilfrid's favor. Therefore, Acca did
not necessarily have to declare his politics until he left with
Wilfrid during Wilfrid's second exile from York. Like Willibrord
at Ripon, Acca appears to have been left behind when his superior
was deposed and removed from his see. It is unclear where Bosa
spent his time between his initial deposition and regaining of
the see of York. Since he was educated at Whitby, it is possible
that he returned there and acted as Whitby's bishop with a see
restricted to the monastery.
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